Sooner or later, the regeneration of Gaza will have to be tackled.
Before too long, assuming the ceasefire holds, the nations that support US President Donald Trump’s peace plan will be initiating a reconstruction program – a task so huge in scale and cost that it nearly beggars the imagination. In mid-October, the UN Development Program, World Bank, and EU jointly raised their estimate for full reconstruction to about $70 billion, replacing the earlier $53b. estimate.
Preliminary but essential steps, especially in Gaza City but also throughout the enclave, include removing the mountains of rubble, clearing away unexploded ordnance, and providing temporary housing for families returning to mere bomb sites.
After that, an early priority will be building hundreds of thousands of new permanent housing units. Connected to this will be the construction of necessary infrastructure, such as water and sewage, electricity and gas grids, roads, telecommunication networks, shops, and markets.
Egypt’s widely backed plan for the reconstruction of Gaza, officially adopted and endorsed by the Arab League on March 4, remains a central blueprint for the coordinated multinational recovery agenda for Gaza. It envisages “a commercial port and an airport,” together with industrial and commercial zones to include factories and warehouses.
The whole reconstruction project is expected to last at least a decade, and the US-backed Board of Peace is being established to supervise the financing and contracting process.
Fiercely contested global marketplace
WIRED, a respected monthly publication focused on how technology can positively impact culture, business, and science, featured a comprehensive plan to reconstruct Gaza on October 14. Conceived by a small group of entrepreneurs, it had, they affirmed, been shared with Trump administration officials. When discussing the lucrative contracts that will be on offer once the program gets under way, it highlighted more than two dozen multinational corporations (some of whom told WIRED they did not know they had been named).
In fact, the Gaza reconstruction environment is already a fiercely contested global marketplace. The rebuilding process has triggered intense lobbying and bidding from dozens of international consortia. Leading Turkish and Egyptian construction firms are already openly competing for contracts against major players from the US, UK, EU, Gulf states, and beyond.
Some Gulf states, especially Qatar and the UAE, have pledged funds and are pressing to influence the process. Western diplomatic efforts, such as joint investment conferences hosted by Britain, Egypt, and Palestinian authorities, underline the competitive scramble for Gaza contracts.
Egyptian contractors are aggressively positioning themselves for the rebuilding phase. Cairo-based firms are compiling bids and prequalification documents, aiming to leverage Egypt’s proximity, supply chains, and construction materials surplus.
American firms are also expected to participate.
US special envoy Steve Witkoff confirmed that while “contractors from all of the Middle Eastern countries” are already in discussions, American companies – particularly in technology, infrastructure, and logistics – will have access through the Board of Peace procurement process. Major pro-Trump tech investors are rumored to be preparing to fund reconstruction-linked ventures.
Erdogan's push
Turkey is also heavily involved in Trump’s peace plan, driven by self-interest – a mix of geopolitical ambition, economic opportunity, and domestic political gain. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan views the peace initiative as a vehicle for reasserting Turkish regional power and enhancing its industrial sector. Turkish officials have openly said they aim to play a leading role in rebuilding Gaza, and Turkish construction and aid organizations are already active.
Turkey’s IHH Humanitarian Relief Foundation has begun clearing debris and reopening roads in Gaza, and Turkish authorities have stated that they are ready to “mobilize companies, institutions, and financial mechanisms” for the wider reconstruction. Turkish firms are preparing bids for contracts covering infrastructure, housing, ports, and utilities.
Erdogan’s ambition to dominate the Sunni Muslim world has long been an irritant in Arab circles.
On October 20, Arab political commentator Ayman Abdel Nour said: “Erdogan is a master in… taking advantage of events, turning them to his own interest, and taking credit for them. Obviously, the Gulf countries were not happy about Turkey taking a leading role on Gaza, but at the same time, they wanted this conflict to end, to see an agreement, and to see Hamas sidelined.”
Lebanese analyst Sarkis Naoum said that while Arab states shared an interest with Turkey in ending the war, the long history of Ottoman imperial rule in the region and Turkey’s increased prominence worry them.
The hostility of Turkey’s president toward Israel has been amply demonstrated time and again. Yet even as he vilifies Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in public, he has consistently demonstrated a calculated pragmatism. Turkish and Israeli defense and intelligence contacts remain in place and operational, particularly in counterterrorism and energy coordination.
Significant opportunities
In his new book on Turkish-Israeli relations, Joseph Epstein describes this dynamic as “cooperation through gritted teeth.” Basically, Erdogan, while publicly maintaining his antisemitic or anti-Zionist narrative, actually pursues a strategy, incorporating cooperation with Israel, aimed at securing geopolitical and economic benefits. His anti-Israel stance, says Epstein, is largely public posturing that disguises a transactional engagement strategy.
Erdogan’s agreement to back Trump’s Gaza peace plan, for example, gained him renewed goodwill in Washington and helped toward lifting US sanctions, securing F-16 and F-35 fighter aircraft, and obtaining mediation influence in postwar Syria and Gaza. By vilifying Israel publicly while cooperating with it under US sponsorship, he satisfies nationalist and Islamist audiences at home, preserves strategic flexibility abroad, and repositions Turkey as an indispensable intermediary in the new Middle East order.
The list of potential commercial and industrial organizations keen to become involved in the lucrative opportunities soon to be on offer in Gaza is large and growing. Companies like the Saudi Arabian Saudi Tabreed (district cooling) and the state-owned United Arab Emirates Masdar (renewable energy) are in the running to benefit from Gaza’s multi-billion reconstruction plan.
In addition, Middle East sovereign wealth funds are accelerating investments in projects like green energy, possibly integral to Gaza’s future. US firms with expertise in post-conflict security systems are likely to secure contracts.
In short, Gaza’s forthcoming regeneration program offers significant investment, industrial, and commercial opportunities for a wide range of potential players, both regional and international. The game is afoot.
The writer, a former senior civil servant, is the Middle East correspondent for Eurasia Review. Follow him at www.a-mid-east-journal.blogspot.com.