Amid French President Emmanual Macron’s announcement of his intention to declare recognition of a Palestinian state, and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s vow to do the same if Israel didn’t meet certain conditions, I wasn’t sure what to expect when I appeared this week before Foreign Ministry officials from 12 countries, almost all in Europe, to brief them in a video conference on my diplomatic perspectives.
Sitting in their offices in their respective countries, they were all prim and proper as they introduced themselves. I was told not to identify them or their countries if I later publicly reported on the conversation.
The encounter got off to a rocky start. One of the officials accused me of “justifying the actions of a country that is committing war crimes,” and added that if “it were up to me, I’d have you arrested if you stepped foot in my country.”
This official, however, was in a small minority. In fact, after he threatened me, he was hushed by almost all of the other participants.
Israel's mistakes and finding new solutions
Other officials expressed sympathy for Israel’s plight in the aftermath of the October 7, 2023, Hamas mega-attack, but a number of them argued that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had missed opportunities to gain the release of all the hostages and end the war.
One Foreign Ministry official from an EU country asserted: “I heard firsthand that Bibi didn’t do everything he could; I was in a meeting at which my foreign minister met with some Knesset members from the opposition who told us that.”
I asked members of my online audience whether they believed that the solution had to include ridding Gaza of Hamas. Some nodded but did not speak. Another participant in the video gathering did reply: “That would be great, but it can’t be done. Hamas is an ideology, and you can’t do away with that; you have to deal with the people who live there.”
I asked: “Are you saying that Israel has to continue to live under the threat of another October 7?” There was no reply.
I asked them about the Biden administration’s accusation that European and other US allies did not accept an American request in the immediate weeks following October 7 to work together to apply international pressure on Hamas and Qatar, gain the release of the hostages, expel Hamas from the Gaza Strip, and start rebuilding Gaza for the Palestinian people.
“The Biden administration was very weak. They didn’t have a plan,” one official countered. Another official stepped in: “Europe made mistakes. Israelis should take heart, however; we have a new foreign policy head,” he said, in reference to Kaja Kallas, who took over from Josep Borrell as high representative of the European Union for foreign affairs and security policy last December.
“Are you suggesting that Mr. Borrell was not helpful in trying to find an early resolution to the crisis?” I asked. The official replied with a question of his own: “Why can’t you deal with the present instead of dwelling on the past?”
Comments on the Trump administration's role
There were no US officials present at this encounter, but I asked those attending what they thought of the Trump administration’s handling of the hostage issue.
Said one official: “Well, Donald Trump and Steve Witkoff have certainly done a better job than the previous American administration, but even they are having a hard time with Hamas.”
“Is it too late? Can Europe now cooperate with the US to finally convince Hamas that they cannot call the shots?” I asked.
“Well, for one thing, Trump thinks he can do it best by himself,” said a participant.
“Are you copping out?” I retorted. My question drew murmurings from members of the audience. A number of them motioned as though they wanted to speak until finally someone did.
“You have to understand,” said this official, “the people in my country and in many other countries in Europe and elsewhere, including in the United States, are alarmed by what Israel has done to Gaza. We cannot be seen as cooperating with a government that so many people around the world view as committing genocide.”
She quickly added: “I don’t think Israel is guilty of genocide, but I believe that Israel must stop the war, and then we can start rebuilding the Gaza Strip and a better future.”
I followed up by asking: “Are you saying that because many people in your countries have bought into the narrative that Israel is committing genocide, we have to allow a terrorist organization to manipulate the international community and continue to hold 50 hostages until Israel gives in? The international community doesn’t know what to do against terrorists? Dare I say that some of your countries are afraid to do something against the terrorists because your citizens will then think you are pro-Israel?”
My words appear clearer here on the printed page of this article but I navigated carefully as I spoke and wasn’t sure if I was making sense. However, the nods I received from the audience seemed to indicate that people understood the point.
“Listen,” said one participant, “the pictures from Gaza are awful. All we want is Israel to stop.”
“We didn’t want this war,” I interrupted. “Hamas is causing death and destruction to their own people. They are winning the PR war because they don’t care if winning the PR war entails killing their own people, as long as they can blame it on Israel.”
One of the European Foreign Ministry officials applauded when I said that.
“Please just ask yourselves if declaring recognition of a Palestinian state is really the way to resolve the crisis,” I concluded.
There had been a European moderator during the discussion. At this point, she said: “Thank you all for this informative exchange of ideas. May we be successful in achieving peace and ridding the world of terror.” That statement drew an “amen” from the audience.
The writer is the op-ed editor of The Jerusalem Post.